As per the following Netaji lived in Faizabad and died on 16 September 1985:
Following is the avidavit of Purabi Roy:
It becomes inexplicable as to why Purabi Roy recieved threats calls from continuing her research on Netaji further, and further research stopped for security concerns.
Journey of Gold-Diamond loaded Trunks:
What happened after August 18 remains shrouded in mystery. While conducting her research in Moscow and England Professor Purabi Roy pursued a war time major of MI5 who had snooped around Bose. Roy met the agent in Oxford and he told her that a huge amount of ‘INA money’ was handed over to Lord Mountbatten and a senior Congress leader in Singapore, and that is the key to Bose’s disappearance (and the subsequent reluctance to unravel the mystery) could be solved to a great extent by ascertaining the route that the funds travelled.”
Azad Hind Bank
Captain Wadhera sought to know the whereabouts of the huge wealth that was collected by Netaji for the freedom struggle and deposited in the Azad Hind Bank, which was specially opened to prevent misuse of cash and ornaments donated by Indians to strengthen the hands of the INA in its freedom struggle.
Recalling the events from his INA days, Captain Wadhera disclosed that a big rally was organized by the Indian Independence League at Singapore to welcome Netaji. “As the huge gathering of Indians in Singapore garlanded Netaji, nearly a truckload of garlands accumulated there”, he said.
After thanking the gathering, Netaji announced that he would like to auction the garlands that had been put around his neck.
“The bid started with Rs 1 lakh (in 1943 it was more than rupees fifty lakh of today). The first garland was auctioned for Rs 1 crore and 3 lakh, which was purchased by a Muslim industrialist of Malaya, Habibur Rehman. Later he volunteered his services to join the movement. The women offered their valuables and gold ornaments. Total collections at this auction were about Rs 25 crore”, Captain Wadhera nostalgically recalls”.
Mukherjee Commission submitted its report on November 8, 2005. The government sat on it for six months, then tabled it in Parliament on May 17, 2006, when it also rejected the report. Why such late in tabling the report?
Congress and INA
The interim government under Jawaharlal Nehru, which on September 2, 1946, took oath "to bear true faith allegiance to King Emperor George VI and his heirs and successors", was too preoccupied with gaining and consolidating power to bother about what had happened in August, 1945 to the greatest patriot of our times.
NEGLECT OF INA LEGACY
Subhas Bose was the biggest, bravest and boldest effort undertaken anywhere in human history for the liberation of any country from the foreign yoke by mobilizing diplomatic and military efforts. His life and work are a priceless legacy of the nation which the successive governments - Congress as well as non-Congress - have ignored. Even a critic of Bose, Prof. Hiren Mukherjee, concedes that Netaji and his I.N.A. were "the principal force which compelled the capitulation of imperialism."
The contribution made by Subhas for India's freedom and particularly in hastening the exist of the Britishers after the Second World War is unrivalled and has been acknowledged by the British commentators, who were far from friendly to Bose. Any doubt on this score would be dispelled by even a casual reference to contemporaneous statement of British politicians, military commanders and commentators.
In fact the top British functionaries in India and Britain conceded that the role played by Subhas Bose in wresting of India's Independence was decisive. The Commander-in-Chief, Field Marshal Sir Claude Auchinleck observed on November 25, 1945.
There is no doubt at all from the mass of evidence we have that Subhas Chandra Bose acquired a tremendous influence and his personality must have an exceedingly strong one.
Philip Mason, the Secretary to Government of India in the War Department, said,"no one can doubt the stature of the man, his intellectual scope and the passion with which he held his convictions." The Viceroy, Lord Wavell, wrote to the Secretary of State for India that Bose "had acquired a hold over a substantial number of men in the Indian Army and the consequences were quite incalculable."
In a note dated August 20, 1945, the Military Intelligence gave a candid appraisal viz. "His patriotism and achievements, even though from the wrong side of the fence…was likely to hold an important place in the nationalist mind…his influence over the I.N.A. was very considerable."
Michael Edward in The Last years of British India candidly observed that "British had not feared Gandhi the reducer of violence; no longer feared Nehru…The British, however, still feared Subhas Bose…The ghost of Subhas, like Hamlet's father walked the battlements of the Red Fort and his suddenly amplified figure overawed the conferences that were to lead to independence." Gerard H.Corr in the War of Springing Tiger says that "Bose had a lot going for him. He had the glamour, Charisma, hypnotic effect on those who met him, he could inspire total devotion among his supporters."
According to Hugh Toye:
"For most, the personality of the man was overwhling; there was a genius of enthusiasm and inspiration …By the magnitude of his conception, by the example of his magnetic, burning zeal his tenacity and personal force, by the tradition he left of sacrificial patriotism, must be measured the status of Subhas Chandra Bose.
His place in the Indian History cannot be denied. Idol of masses…his youthful daring, his panache; his reckless courage caught the imagination of India. He gave much to his country. Had he lived to see the Republic of India, he would assuredly have given much more.
Toye goes on to admit that with his remarkable personal magnetism Subhas "inspired in the soldiers he led, loyalty which…..obliterated their sentiments for the remote King Emperor", carefully fostered by the British rulers over long decades of their rule. The G.O.C.-in-C, Eastern Command, Tucker found this to be "alarming for the future…..threatening to tumble down the whole edifice of the Indian Army." The net result was the mighty British were thoroughly demoralised at the stark prospect of "chaos in the country at large and probably to mutiny and dissension in the Army culminating in its dissolution". In the words of Auchinleck, "it would be unwise to try the Indian army too highly in the suppression of their own people and as time went on the loyalty of even the Indian officials, the Indian Army and police might become problematic."
There can be no doubt that the final and fatal blow to the British rule in India was indeed inflicted by Subhas Bose. By bringing about a complete psychological transformation of the Indian Officers and men of the British armed forces - from being pro-British mercenaries to fiercely militant nationalists, who were no longer willing to be instruments of imperialism - Bose enabled India to wrest her freedom from Great Britain.
Congress leaders were however, not prepared to concede any such decisive role to Bose or the I.N.A. Most of them who mattered -Sardar Patel, Rajendra Prasad, Gobind Ballabh Pant - were active associated of Gandhiji in his bid to wrest Congress Presidency from Subhas Bose in 1939, and `were incapable of transcending their mental reservations about Bose. Jawaharlal Nehru intellectuality too close to the Allied aspirations did not appreciate Bose's efforts to liberate India with the help of the Axis powers.
The Congress leaders rode the crest of the "I.N.A. Wave", its gains from I.N.A. trials could be gauged from the result of elections of the Constituent Assembly in which its candidates were returned from practically every "general" seat. But as the year 1946 wearing out, it was clear that Congress leaders had lost all the zeal for freedom struggle and had become unabashed mendicants of power. During one of his meetings with the veteran Journalist Durga Das, Gandhiji told him that his followers "had let him down badly. Now that power was within their grasp, they seemed to have no further use form him."
The Transfer of Power (1942-47), Vol.VII, 1976, throws on the attitude of the top Congress leaders towards I.N.A. The armed forces motivated by considerations other than mercenary were unacceptable to them. The re-instatement of the I.N.A. personal in the Armed Forces was out of question. In a speech on January 9, 1946, Jawaharlal Nehru said that the I.N.A. personnel were fit only for absorption in the public works like Industrial Co-operatives village re-construction.
But more shocking was the device used to ease them out by offering the terms which were humiliating - disregarding I.N.A. rank and exclusion of I.N.A. service. In a speech in the Central Assembly delivered on March, 1948, Nehru turned down the demand for reinstatement of the I.N.A. personnel on the ground that "there had been a long break in their" shockingly implying thereby that the glorious service rendered by these patriotic men in the I.N.A in staking their life was of no consequence to the national government of free India.
The I.N.A. soldiers were hurriedly despatched to their villages. Some of the pliable officers were given insignificant jobs - two Major Generals, Shah Nawaz and Bhonsle became at different time, Deputy Ministers at the Centre.
Three questions had cropped up between Commander-in-Chief Auchinleck and the Defence Minister of Interim Government, Sardar Baldev Singh : (I) release of the remaining members of I.N.A., (ii) payment of arrears of pay and allowance and (iii) their reinstatenment. At the very outset the Congress abandoned the last question. On the other two questions, Sardar Baldev Singh requested the Interim Cabinet, headed by Jawaharlal Nehru, to make recommendations to the Commander-in-Chief because he had to face questions in the Central Assembly.
Auchinleck rejected these demands. The British Viceroy Wavell threatened to veto any consideration of these two matters. The British Government in London endorsed its Viceroy,s stance. The Commandar-in-Chief also threatened to resign. The British Viceroy as well as C-in-C were sure that not a single Congress minister would offer to resign on these issues.
They were not mistaken. Alan Campbell Johnson in his Mission with Mountbatten tells us that although it was Nehru who had prodded Sardar Baldev Singh to raise these issues the C-in-C, during debate in the Central Assembly on April 2, 1947, Nehru "backed Auchinleck to the hilt as he promised he would", Surprisingly I.N.A. personnel were not even treated as freedom fighters till 1974 and it was only twenty seven years after independence, in 1974, that the Government of India thought it to pay them pension of Rs. 150/- per month.
In the words of M.R. Vyas, former Member of parliament and long time associate of Bose in Europe
"While in common I.N.A. jawans languished in camp or in uncared for concerns, the Congress leaders were busy encashing the credit of these brave men. They put on
mantle of their saviours, whereas they were actually seeking to salvage themselves."
At the same time the Congress leaders secretly trying to make the I.N.A. ineffective as a political force. In his speech on January 9, 1946, Nehru specially stated that I.N.A. personnel should be kept out of politics. Taya Zinkin in Reporting India tells us :
Sardar Patel India's first Home Minister explained to me In 1950 that he had been very careful indeed not to reinstate any of the officers who had gone over to Subhas Bose's I.N.A. also saw to that they did not thrive in politics.
Ironically enough, in committing sacrilege upon the glorious heritage of I.N.A., the Congress leaders were one with the alien rulers. Bose had thoughtfully named Andamans and Nicobars as Swaraj and Shahdeed islands. Free India's Government reverted to the old British names.
There are instances of other acts of acquiescence in the British ravages against I.N.A., the most serious being demolition of Shaheed Smarak the design of which was approved by Subhas himself and Col. C.M. Stracey had built it in record time. It was blown up by the British Suppers in afternoon of September 6, 1945 on the orders of Lord Louis Mountbatten. S.A. Ayer condemns it as "a piece of vandalism without parellel in civilized warfare."
Commenting on the dynamiting of the Shaheed Smarak, Prof. Hiren Mukherjee says that "the utterly shabby manner in which it was done bespeaks the nearly berserk wrath of British imperialists and an entirely perverse insensitivity in perpetrating an act of sheer dishonor towards the war dead which in the sanctimonious British phrase, 'is just not done.' Our country has a duty in this regard, which must not be deferred…..This is a task which we owe not only to the memory of the I.N.A. but to ourselves."
In reply to a question raised by Shri H.V. Kamath on the floor of Lok Sabha, the then Deputy Foreign Minister Shri. A.K. Chanda had stated in June 1956 that necessary details were being collected before approaching the Singapore Government. The successive sluggish governments did not, for the past forty four years, care to collect the "necessary" details for approaching the Government of Singapore to rectify this blow to India's self respect.
In response to persistent public demands, Jawaharlal Nehru visited Singapore in March 1946 to "study the fate of the Indians who had helped the I.N.A." and other misdeeds of the British including dynamiting of Shaheed Smarak. Nehru, who was sent to study the misdeeds of Mountbatten agreed to be his guest!
Then on, the wily British Lord was in complete command. Mountbatten proudly showed the demolished Shaheed Smarak, which Nehru saw without mildest protest. Marie Seaton in Panditji - A Portrait of Jawaharlal Nehru recounts that at Singapore, Mountbatten did not restrict Nehru in any way, but requested one concession that he would forgo laying a wreath on the War Memorial erected to the memory of Indian National Army. Nehru agreed so that Mountbatten was impressed by Nehru's reasonableness"!
This attitude of denigrating Netaji and I.N.A. soon reached its apogee under the government of free India. In a confidential memo dated February 11, 1949, under the signature of Major General P.N. Khanduri, the Government "recommended that photos of Netaji Subhas Bose be not displayed at prominent places unit Lines, Canteen, Quarter Guards of Recreation rooms."
India's post independence politicians-whether Congress or of other hues and varieties - get effortless amnesia about the many splendoured contribution which Netaji made to the emergence of what modern India is. It is too easily forgotten that (I) in conceptualising Swaraj as "total independence" from the British and getting it acepted as the Congress credo, Bose played avante garde role, (ii) Subhas gave socio-economic dimension to the concept of freedom and (iii) Bose accurately articulated the far reaching consequences of the British economic perfidy.